Doha Negotiations: Congolese Must Say NO to Disguised Balkanisation
A Peace that is a Trap
The Doha negotiations between the Congolese government and the M23, presented as a solution for peace, in reality conceal a major danger: the disguised balkanisation of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Behind appealing words such as “co-management” or “joint administration” lies a clear project: to legitimise a rebellion remote-controlled by Rwanda, grant it an official role, and thereby consolidate the occupation of eastern Congo.
Twenty-Five Years of War and Manipulation
Since 1996, our country has lived under the fire of aggression from its neighbours. Yesterday it was the RCD, then the CNDP, and today the M23: the faces change, but the hand pulling the strings remains the same. UN reports (2012, 2022, 2023) are explicit: Rwanda arms, trains, and commands the M23 while plundering our wealth.
In 2012, the M23 had already humiliated the DRC by occupying Goma. In 2021, it returned, seizing Rutshuru, Bunagana, and Masisi. Everywhere, documented massacres (Kishishe, Kiwanja) remind us that this group is not a political actor but a criminal machine.
The Washington Agreement: A Strategic Error
In 2023, under pressure from the United States, Kinshasa agreed to sign the Washington Agreement with Kigali. This agreement, presented as “progress”, in reality enshrined a falsehood: it designated the FDLR as the “root cause” of insecurity in the East. Yet this residual group, composed of a few hundred ageing fighters, no longer represents a strategic threat.
Meanwhile, the documented presence of Rwandan troops in the DRC was brushed aside. The result: Kigali secured a diplomatic victory, while Kinshasa was trapped.
Doha: The Ultimate Betrayal?
Today in Doha, the danger is even greater. The M23 is demanding co-management of the areas it occupies. Some Western mediators, instead of condemning this occupation, are encouraging this idea as a “peace compromise”.
But let us be clear: co-management is balkanisation. It means giving Rwanda official power over part of our territory. It means legalising the looting of our minerals. It means dividing Congo, step by step.
The DRC’s Weaknesses
If we have reached this point, it is also because of our own weaknesses:
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An army (FARDC) poorly equipped and riddled with corruption.
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An excessive dependence on MONUSCO, the EAC, and now SADC.
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A diplomacy far too often hesitant.
Kigali knows these flaws and exploits them. As researcher Filip Reyntjens has noted, “Rwanda acts with complete assurance, knowing that the DRC lacks the military and diplomatic means to effectively oppose its agenda.”
The Congolese People Must Refuse
Accepting co-management would be a historic betrayal. It would legitimise criminals responsible for massacres. It would pave the way for the fragmentation of the country. It would repeat the mistake of the 23 March 2009 Agreement, which integrated the CNDP into the army – and which gave birth to… the M23.
Congolese must say NO. NO to balkanisation. NO to co-management. NO to externally imposed compromises.
What Alternatives?
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Internal reforms: modernise the FARDC, fight corruption, restore state authority.
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Firm diplomacy: demand international sanctions against Rwanda for aggression, as recommended by UN experts in 2022.
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National unity: rise above political divisions to defend the country’s integrity.
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Citizen and diaspora mobilisation: the voice of the Congolese people must be heard – in the streets, in the media, and in international chancelleries.
Conclusion: Congo Is Not for Sale
The Doha negotiations are a test. Accepting co-management means accepting to give up part of our territory. Refusing means affirming our dignity, our sovereignty, and our unity.
Congo is not to be shared. Congo is not for sale. Congo must remain one and indivisible. Peace will not come from imposed compromises, but from justice, truth, and national resistance.
Prepared
by :
Sam
Nkumi & Gilberte Bienvenue
African
Rights Alliance
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